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Full text of "Address to the people of Connecticut"

Class — /^ 3 8^ 
Book J) 3^ 



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ADDRE88 



TO TUE 



PEOPLE OP COIVI^ECTICUT, 



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ADOPTED AT THE 



STATE CO:\VE]^TIO]V, 



l^ELD AT MIDDLETOWN 



AUGUST 7, 18'2'8. 




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WITS THE PEOCEEDIWGS OF THE COlfVENT'lOlf. 



HARTFORt) : 
IdtrST'ED KVt> FOB SAtE AT THE TIMES OJ-yiCK BT J. SrjSSELt,. 



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PROCEEDINGS 

^ OF THE 

^ STATE COXVEJ^TIOIIC. 

O The ttiembers of the Convention assembled at the Court 

f^ HoUse.in Middletown, on Thursday the 7th day of August inst. 
fi at 11 o'clock, A. M.— The meeting was called to order by An- 
^ drew Pratt, Esq. of Berlin, and was organized by electing the 
jg Hon. Ingoldsby W Crawford, of Union, President, and Wil- 
q^ LiAM H. Jones, Esq. of New Haven, and L. T. Pease, Esq. of 
Enfield, Secretaries. 

On motion of Mr. Phelps, of Hartford, 

Resolved, That a committee of two members from each county 
be appointed to consider, and report, what business it is expedi- 
ent should be acted upon by the Convention, and the mode of 
proceeding, to carry the same into effect. 

On which resolution the following gentlemen were appointed 
—Messrs. N. A. Phelps, Samuel Hart, William H. Ellis, William 
Todd, Jirah Isham, Elisha Haley, Robert Fairchild, Stepheri 
Wheeler, Andrew T Judson, Bela P. Spalding, Ansel Sterling, 
R. R. Hinman, Wm. Van Deursen, Gideon Higgins, Carlos 
Chapman, and Cephas Brigham 

This committee made a report, and recommended the adoption 
of the following resolutions, which were severally read and pas- 
sed. 

Resolved, That it is expedient to nominate eight persons, one 
from each county, as candidates for Electors of President and 
Vice President of the United States ; and that this nomination 
be made by the delegates from the several counties, and by them 
be reported to the convention. 

Resolved, That a committee of one from a county, be appointed 
to draft and report resolutions to be adopted by the convention ; 
and another committee of the same number, to report an address 
to the people of this state. 

Resolved, That a Central Committee of Correspondence, con- 
sisting of five persons, te appointed ; and also a committee, for 
each county, consisting of three persons. 

Resolved, That it is not expedient to make, at the present time, 
a nomination for state officers, but that, after the other sub- 
jects shall have been disposed of, this convention be adjourned to 
meet at this place on the EIGHTH DAY of January next, at 11 
o'clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of nominating candidates 
for the offices of Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Treasurer, Sec- 
retary, State Senators, and Members of Congress, — or of adopting 
such other measures, relative to making out a nomination for State 
Senators, and Members of Congress, as the convention may then 
deem expedient ; — and that those towns which are not at present 
represented in Convention, be invited to send delegates to thesaid 
adjourned Convention, and also to frll such vacancies as may oc- 
ow m ihe present delegation. 



The following gentlemen were announced from the Chair, a§ 
Oommittees on the foregoing resolutions, viz. 
■ To prepare and report an A ddr ess.-r— Messrs. John M. Niles, 
vharles Chapman, J. Isham, A. S. Jones, A. T. Judson, P. Smith, 
A. A Loomis, and L. Eaton. 

To prepare and report Resolutions. — Messrs. J. Collins, T. G. 
Woodward, Wm. T. Williams, O. Beardslee, J. W. White, L. 
Phelps, J. Stewart and Carlos Chapma^n. 

The Convention was then adjourned to meet at 3 o'clock in 
the afternoon. 

Pursuant to adjournment the Convention assembled at 3 
b'clock. 

The President announced the appointment of the following 
named gentlemen as a central committe of correspondence, viz. 
Messrs. John M. Niles, Nathan Starr, Charles Chapman, Caleb 
Pond and Stephen B. Goodwin. 

The respective chairmen of the meetings, composed of the 
members of the several counties, reported the following nomin- 
ations of committees of correspondence for each county, which 
were agreed to, viz. 

For the county of Hartford, Gideon Welles, L. T. Pease, 
Jesse Goodrich. 

, New Haven. — Henry Lines, John Andrews, Nathaniel K- 
Landon. 

New London. — William T. Williams, Stephen Tracy, Am- 
herst D Scovill. 

Fairfield. — Obadiah Beardsley, Stephen Wheeler, Edward 
Taylor 

WiNDHAfti. — Andrew T. Judson, Joel W. White, Thomas 
Clark. 

Litchfield. — Abijah C. Peet, R. R. Hinnian, Elisha A. Mor- 
gan. 

Middlesex. — Ira Lee, Gideon Higgins, William Van Deursen. 

Tolland. — Luther Eaton, Chauncey Burgess, Carlos Chap* 
man. 

The Delegates from the several Counties reported the follow* 
ing nomination of candidates for ELECTORS/or President and 
^ice President, of the United States, which was accepted. 

NOAH A. Pi^ELPS, Hartford Countv. 
WILLIAM TODD, New Haven •' " 
JOHNP.TROTT, New London '• 

HENRY SHERWOOD Fairfield 
DAVID BOLLES, Windham, 

JOHN WELCH, Litchfield '• 

JOHN STEWART, 2d, Middlesex " 
INGOLDSBY W.CRAWFORD, Tolland 
The committee appointed to report resolutions, reported the fol- 
l6wing which were read and adopted. 

Resolved, That we believe ANDREW JACKSON to be emi- 
nently qualified for the chief executive magistrate of the republic; 
Rn^ that, from the fexalted opinion y/e entertain of his public ser4 



vices, his talents, integrity, and- unrivalled patriotism, as well as 
from lespect to the popular voice spontaneously expressed in his 
favor, we approve of his nomination to that high office aud re- 
commend him to the support of the electors of Connecticut as a 
safe depository of power in a free state. 

Resolved, That duly appreciating the talents, patriotism and 
public services of JOHN C. CALHOUN, and believing him to 
nave been able, honest and faithful to the Constitution, in dis- 
charging the responsible duties of the office he now fills with 
equal honor to himself and advantage to the public interest, we 
recommend him to the electors of this state as deserving of their 
support for the office of Vice President of the United States. 

John xM Niles, from the Committee appointed for that purpose, 
deported an ADDRESS to the people of this State, which was 
tead and adopted by the Convention, and ordered to be printed. 

On motion of Gen. Isham, of New London, 

Resolved That the thanks of the Convention be given to the 
President, for the able and dignified manner with which he has 
presided over its deliberations this day. 

The Convention was then adjourned to meet at the same place, 
on the eighth day of January next, at 1 1 o'clock, A. M. 

L W. CRAWFORD, President. 
W. H. JONES, ) c- . • 
L. T. PEASE. j ^''^'<^i^'''<^''- 



ADDRESS 

TO THE 

PEOPLE OF co:n^necticut* 

Fellow Citizens : 

This Convention, called togetlier by the voluntary act of a large por- 
tion of their fellow citizens, to consider the great question which now >igil- 
atesthe public mind — a question, viewed in its various aspects, of no ordi- 
nary importance, have made out an electoral ticket friendly to the election 
of £ndfew Jackson, for President, and Jalm C. Calhoun for Vice Presideni, 
which they respectfully recommend to the support of the electors of this 
state. The gentlemen composing this ticket, are loo well known to their 
fellow citizens, and have too long enjoyed a full share of public confidence 
to require any commendation. We will not institute a comparison of their 
personal and political claims to the suffrages of the electors, with those of 
the gentlemen nominated for the same office by the legislative caucus in 
May last, at New-Haven. Few, il is believed, svill witholdfrom them their 
support, unless induced to do it, fi'ona considerations connected with the 
political controversy which now claims so large a share of public attention, 
throughout the union. The fate of this ticket, we are sensible, must depend 
on the prevailing sentiments of our citizens, regarding the national question. 
On this ground it must stand or fall ; and so far from wishing to rest il upon 
any other, vye concede, that our leading object in pressing it on the atten- 
tion of the electors, is the support of principles involved in the opposition 
to the national administration : a secondary object is the hope of promo- 
ting a salutary improvement in the political concerns of this stSte. 

With these explicit declarations of our objects, we invite the patient and 
candid attention of our fellow citizens to an exposition of the views of this 
Convention respecting iheci. 



'hie national ooniroversy which now en^rosiea so large a siiare' of publiC' 
altenlion, not only excites deep feelings, but involves important principles ; 
so that the itnmediale result of it, be it as it may, is of little moment. compar- 
ed with what may, and probably will be, its ultimate consequences. It 
opens a wide field of investigation, and embraces vast details of facts, so 
that we shall not be able, without exlendi:ig this address to unreasonable 
length, to examine it in all its hearings ; and this is the less necessary, as the 
subject has been so fully &, ably investigated in the numerous addresses, and 
publications which this controversy has called forth. Had these found their 
way to the understandings of tiiij citizens of this slate generally, it might not 
be necessary for us to say any thing on a subject which has engaged the at- 
tention of our best political writers, and been so often and ably discussed. 
It has become a beaten patii, and we are aware that little can be added to 
what has already been said ; but the increasing importance in which this en- 
grossing subject is held, fully sustains the interest ivhich it at first excited : 
the more it is investigated the bettc it is understood; the more intense is the 
desire to become thoroughly acquainted with its merits This is a fact high- 
ly honourable to the iateibgence of our population It shows that the people 
are aware of their political iniporlance, and awakr* to their rights — that the 
agitation of important political question3,arouses a spirit of enquiry pervading 
aU classes of the community, fc which can hardly fail of resulting in a gener- 
ally correct understanding of their merits. What can be a more interesting 
or sublime spectacle, than to behold a nation of freemen engaged in the free 
and open examination of the conduct of their public servants, in discussitig 
important political questions, and deciding on the tendency of principles ; 
in exercising a jealous care over popular elections and exhibiting a just alarm 
at any coalition to controul them, or a reasonable suspicion of fraud, intrigue 
^ managementjto impair their fairness or freedom, &. fix upon them the stamp 
of corruption. This, it is true, is the bright side of the picture ; the dark 
one, is the venality, servility and coriuption ofthe press, a reckless disre- 
gard of truth, and low and foul aspersions of private character. But these 
abuses, however glaring they may be, no more permanently corrupt the 
stream of popular feeling, than the shower corrupts the river of pure water, 
by washing into it the dirt upon its borders. The mud and filth soon settle 
to th« bottom, and the stream purifies itself again : so the current of public 
opinion, so far as it is defiled by extraneous matter, falsehood and calum- 
ny, soon becomes pure, and remains a wholesome element. 

Having full confidence in public opinion as an element of governmenl, 
and in the intelligence of the people to protect themselves from dangerous 
falsehoods and impositions, we view with satisfaction the mind of the na- 
tion brought into the arena of politics, canvassing the merits and demerits 
ofthe rulers ofthe republic, and discussing the soundness and tendency of 
principles. Those who are alarmed at this spirit, and wish to destroy it, to 
avoid its abuses, exhibit a want of confidence in the people for self govern- 
aietit. All such shonld be distrusted as dangerous men in a republic. The 
tribunal of popular opinion, is, in this country, paramount to all others ; it is 
that to which all public functionaries, from the highest to the lowest, must 
submit, and by which every administralion must stand or fall. It is to this 
tribunal that tlie oupi;nents ofthe present administration have appealed; 
they only desire that the merits ofthe controversy should be examined and 
they will cheerfully submit to the decision. 

The people ofthe United States are now divided into two parties, one of 
which supports the administration, the other is opposed to it, and in general 
advocates the election of Andrew Jackson This is no new state of parties, 
nor is it to be regarded as evidence that the controversy is a personal one 
only. Wherever parties have existed, which is only in ffee states, they have 
always been essentially connected with the executive bianch ofthe govern- 
ment, which has been either the cause or the object of them, and commonly 
both. 

Parties in England have been based on this principle since the days of the 
Stewarts, one contending for the power, prerogatives, patronage and influ- 
ence of the crown ; and the other to limit and restrain that power and influ- 
ence, — and to maintain the privileges of parliament and the liberties of the 
people. Their struggles have been attended with alternate success ;— the 
popular party prevailed against the first Charles 5 but in the contest which 
followed the restoration of his son, the royaler executive party was com 



rt 



piefely successful and the constitution received a shock whicii changed llie 
nature of the government. The charters of the corporations were abroga- 
ted and the borough-mongering system of representation introduced, which 
destroyed the independence of parliament. From this period the constitu- 
tion has been gradually changing ; the prerogatives of the crown diminished, 
and its patronage and influence increased to such an extent, as to have in- 
troduced a legal system of corruption, and to have entirely changed the 
substance of the constitution, whilst its form issdll maintained. 

The British government is a striking instance of the danger to be appre- 
hended from an increase of executive influence, and is a solemn warning to 
us to guard against its extension, as the secret poison, which when infused 
Into our political system, will " palsy the will of its constituents," and pol- 
lute the very fountains of our liberties. The present contest has an imporf- 
ant beariig on this question ; the advocates of a strong executive, and oJ 
giving the greatest scope to his power and influence, are generally on the 
side of the administration. — The contest being essentially between the gov- 
(jrnment on one part, and a majority of (he people on (he other ; to enable 
the administration to fuslain itself, the utmost efforts have been made, and 
are still making, to give greater scope to executive influence, and enlarge 
the circle of its action ; to effect which, all the resources of sophistry have 
been called forth ; — the constitution has been wrung, twisted and tortured, 
to give a meaning to its language, diflferent from its plain and obvious im- 
port, and to make it speak where it is silent. The novel powers engrafted 
on the constitution, all tend to augment the influence of the president. 'J'he 
modern doctrine respecting internal improvements, is enlarging the sphere 
of its action, as well as the extensive system of fortifications; — these, con- 
curing with the various unavoidable causes of augmentation of patronage, 
the increase of the army and navy establishments, including the military a- 
cademy, the amount of public revenue and the expenses of every depart- 
ment of government, the extension of foreign intercourse, the multiplication 
of offices, at home and abroad, '.he accessions to the public printing — are 
calculated to swell the influence of the executive to a great and alarming 
extent, and exalt its patronage above the will of the people. 

Is there nothing to be apprehended from a constant increase of this influ- 
ence .' May it not here, as it has in England, entirely change the spirit and 
substance of the government, whilst its form remains: The power of the 
president cannot under any circumstances become dangerous ; but may not 
his influence ? If the influence of the King, has changed the British consti- 
tution, may not executive influence produce the same result here f The 
more extensive and formidable this influence becomes, when legitimately 
exercised, the stronger is its tendency to corruption. Where this influence 
is extensive, it almost necessarily becomes corrupt, as the executive chief 
and his assiiciates, j/o/j^josed by the people, will attempt to sustain tbenir 
selves by the patronage of government. This we apprehend is the true chai> 
acter of the present controversy in the United States. It is a struggle be- 
tween all the combined influences of the executive powen, aided by all (he 
coalitions and allies it is capable of rallying round it, by a corrupt use of its 
immense patronage, and the discretionary funds of the treasury, on the one 
part, and the people on the other. Hence the importance of the present 
contest. 

There are two ways in whici; executive influence is dangerous to the con* 
stitution and the liberties of the people ; the first is, where it is exerted in 
the election of president, and the second, where its exercise is in maintaining 
an administration against the will of the people ; — in both instances it is ex- 
erted in opposing the popular Toiee. When the first case happens— whea 
the presidency is disposed of by mortgaging its patronage, it becomes neces- 
sary to. make use of the same means to sustain the administration which 
brought it into existence ; for where an administration comes into power, 
against the will of a majority of the people, it will always lolloiv, that it must 
be supported in opposition to that will,if supported atall. Such we bel«eve,& 
shall offer some remarks to sh*ew,is the character h condition of the present 
adaiiaistratioh. ^ut before entering on this inquiry, we wish to call yoar at» 
tentionto one consideration suggested by these views. All will admit that 
the executive power is liable to be abused, and that it is desirable to guard a^ 
-^inst this abuse as for as possible How can this be done ? There appear? 
;o h9 fcnl crt»a wav, consistent wUh leaving the ptesi()en* In tURljos^flssioD of 



his present autliorUy, \yiiicli is (o 'irnii liis eligibility to one term. This cirft 
not be accomplished "ilhonl an amendment ol the constitution ; but until 
that is effected and as preparatory to it, let the precedent which has been 
established, be overruled, and no president hereafter elected but once. Un- 
der the present practi'-e, ! he first four years of every new administration, is 
spent in electioneering, to the netjiect of the public interest, the waste of the 
public funds, and the corruption ot the spirit of our free institutions. This 
is an evil that requires corroclion, and there can be no hardship in beginning 
with Mr.Adams,as the man who was not the choice of the nation, &. who be- 
ing elected under circumstances, as all will admit of suspicions of unfairness, 
if not corruption, ought to be satisfied with one term, (f the president was 
eligible (or one term only, he could have no motive , unless he aimed at a sub- 
version of the constitution, to abuse his trust; but he would have the 
strongest inducement to consult the public good, and to administer the gov- 
ernment in the spirit of that instrument, and truly " with an eye to the 
Strictest economy." If parties prevailed, regarding his successor, he would 
stand aloof from both, instead of being as he now is, the head and leader 
of one of them. If the secretary of state, or other officers of llie cabinet, 
filiould become candidates for th*' executive chair, the president would 
check their ambition, so far at least, as to prevent their prostituting their 
high offices to the advancement of their personal interests and that of their 
party. This salutary reform in the federal system has the sanction of the re- 
commendation of the late Governor Clinton, in his last official message, and 
is more strongly urged on the attention of ihe patriot, by the existing dis- 
orders. Can any one suppose, that the present controversy could exist, was 
not \hegoiernmfnt a parly to it ? It is clear that it could not; it is the re- 
sistance which the patronage and influence of the executive government 
oppose to the will ol a aiajority of the nation, which sustains the present 
conflict. All then, who wish to check the extension of executive influence 
and guard against its corruption, and to maintain the freedom of elections, 
must be in favor of establishing a new and better precedent — that the presi- 
dent hold the office but one term, and for this reason, will not support the 
re-election of Mr. Adams, even if they have no particular objection to his 
administration. 

Let it not be said that because most of his predecessors were elected Ihe 
second time, that it will be a [tiiblic censure on Mr. Adams, not to re-elect 
him. The evils and the dangers of the practice have not before been de- 
veloped ; ar. evil from a different source, was discovered at the election of 
Mr. Jefi'erson, which came near defeating the will of the people, and a rem- 
edy was immediately applied, although it required an amendment of the 
constitution. Whenever an evil is discovered in (he practice of govern- 
ment, the people should be bold and prompt to correct it. If the respect 
due to Mr. Adams, is to prevent the correction of a dangerous precedent, 
the same reason will apply to his successor, and with more force, so that the 
consequence will be, the evil can never be removed. Whilst public officers 
should be treated with justice, it ought not to be forgotten, that offices are 
not created for th« incumbents, but for the public good ; and it should be 
particularly borne in mind, by every freeman in the union, that no man has 
any claims. io the presidency, whatever may be his talents, and services — the 
incumbent no more than any other individual It is deeply to be deprecated 
that there should he under any circumstances, a prevailing sentiment to dis- 
regard pritieiples, and even the public interest, froaj a mistaken or interested 
attachment tp men. 

There is another consideration, closely connected with the one just no- 
ticed, which deserves attention. The re-election of Mr. Adams will confirm 
another precedent which Mr. Clay now calls a "safe"' one, but which he 
once thought so dangerous as Jo oppo-se an insuperable objection to a can- 
didate, whatever might be his pretensions. The same party which supports 
Mr. Adams, advocates Mr. Clay as his successor ; and its success will great- 
ly strengthen the " safe precedent" of electing the secretary of State lor 
the presidency, and virtually invest the president with the power of appoint- 
ing bis successor. The alarming nature of thw practice, is greatly increased 
vben the election is brought into the House of Representatives ; (wo of the 
candidates (and those having a min^or support would be most tpmpled to do 
it) have onlpr to unite their interests anij mends,and to "have it understood" , 
tfcal \l one i? eletsftd pT9tsid«pt..,tbe ©tfier is tote Sefctrtary of State»pp<?.. 



\ic\ng in the line of -'safe precedent/' is to be Lis successor. Sucli has beei? 
flie tendency of this practice that it seenos to have had a pernicious inflii- 
rnce aliroad, and already to be regarded as a part of our political system. 
Bdivar, tiie poitjilar leader of the South American Revolution, ha; engraft- 
ed into the nonstiliition, which he proposed for Bolivia, the principle that 
llie spcrelary of slate appointed by the president, is to be bis successor, 
ntit] refers to the United States for an examf)le of the correctness of the 
principle. JNo one has taken a more decided stand against, what he nowr 
rails a safe precedent, than Henry Clay. In a series of numbers published 
ip the Argus, at Frankfort, Kentucky, in 1822, supposed to be written by 
himself, and evidently approved of by him, as they were intended for his 
li'^nefii, there is the following language applied to the National Intelligencer. 
'• They may prefer that the prescribed line of legitimacy according to which, 
the lieir apjwrenl should be translated from the department of slate to the 
palace, be pressrved unbroken and entire, hut they ought to remember that 
liic practice of Rome, by which ihe Cajsars themselves, to secure that tranf 
<]uility whifh the editors of the Intelligencer so much desire, provided be- 
fore hand for the imperial suecsssion, has not j'et been ingrafted on our con= 
stilution." The Reporter, edited by a nephew of Mr. Clay, and entirely de- 
voted to his interest, published similar sentiments, of which we extract a 
, single paragraph. ".VIr. Adams is designated by the president and his presses 
as the heir apparent, the next successor to the presidency. Since the princi- 
ple was introduced, there has been a rapid degeneracy in Ihe chief magis- 
trate, and the prospect of still greater degeneracy, is strong and alarming. — 
Admit the people should acquiesce in the presidential appointment of Mr. 
Adams to that high office ; who will again be chosen as his successor •" Will 
it be Josiali Quincy, H.G. Olis,orRufus King ? An ar!«/oc»'a< at least, if not 
n TRAITOR will he our portion !" This kinsman of the secretary of state, 
then little thought that Ihe arislocrat and Irailor who would be placed in the 
line of succession to Mr. Adams, would be HENRY CLAY. In the cir- 
cular of the friends of Mr. Clay in Ohio, signed by Joseph Vance, since be- 
come an advocate for Ihe " safe precedent" of Ihe succession of the secre- 
tary of state, Mr. Clay's election is advocated distinctly on the ground of 
breaking up that dangerous practice. "To selecl one of the Secretarie.'s 
(for President ) was to continue the same influence in office, which virtually 
would he a departure from the maxim that rotation in office is essential lo 
the public ; for lo change the man and retain the influence would be fo re- 
pose upon the shadow and abandon Ihe substance. These considerations 
liave induced many to adopt the opmion, that no member of the present 
cabinet, ought to be selected to succeed Mr. Munroe, and this determination 
is formed without any disrespect to the talents or characters of Ihe incum= 
bents themselves." If Mr. Clay was withdrawn it is said " it would place 
in the presidential chair, one of the present cabinet ; an event ichichil was 
the first object of the friends of .IV. Clay to prevent^ not in reference to the 
v\en, but the principle." 

Can any one wish lor stronger objections against this cabinet succession, 
than is furnished by Mr. Clay and his friends ? It is the main ground on 
\( Iiich he distinctly rested his own claims to the presidency. Yet he now 
rails it a "safe precedent." What can be thought of a man who is guilty 
of such palpable inconsistency? But whether he and his friends were sin- 
cere in Iheir apprehensions from this dangurous practice or not, their objec- 
tions and reasons against it, are entitled to the same respect. And if there 
was danger then, from a cabinet succession, is there not much more now, 
when a coalition has been witnessed by means of which, the secretary of 
state first made the president, and the latter then made the secretary and 
plared him in the line of " safe precedents," and " next in succession to the 
presidency." 

An effort is now making fhroughoo* the Union, to put an end to (his dan- 
gerous practice, this cabinet succession, by electing a popular candidate^ 
who is not a member of the cabinet. But if it fail— if the influence of Ih© 
government is sufficient to oppose the will of the people, this safe precedept 
will again prevail, and Mr Clay, the " next in succession," will be presi- 
dent after Mr Adams. And if an opposition to this cabinet jsucces- 
Bion, to thre influence of (he governmenr, cannot be successfully 
made with such a man as General Jack«on, with his distinguishecl 
lUiblic Eervjew?. acknowledged patriotisjU and efttenslve pex^obal populaiity, 

2 



10 

it will be'fn Vain to attempt it iiereafter. Tlie people may as' well suoreu- 
der the right of eleciiiig tlie president at onee, and acquifisco in a " safe 
precedent" which establisiies a line of succession to the throne. 

Fellow Citizens. — The considerations hitherto urged on your attention and 
which we believe to possess great weight, iiave no connection with the ori- 
gin and conduct of the present administration, nor with the services, chair- 
acter, and qualifications of tlie rival candidates, for the cliief magistracy. — 
We think there are sufficient reasons founded entirely in the support of prin- 
ciples, essential to the freedom of election — the preservation of the spirit 
and substance of the constitution, and to the restriction of executive influ 
ence, which imperiously oppose the re-election of the pres&nt incumbent. 
But we must beseech your indulgence, whilst we briefly examine the inter- 
esting topics above alluded to. The present is an important crisis, and c^n 
hardly fail of marking an era in our civil hstory. The spirit of the nation 
is roused, great excitement prevails throughout the union, the press teems 
with political discussions, the public mind is agitated, and with many, appre- 
hensions prevail tor the safety of the constitution, and the liberties of the 
people. Where are we to look for the cause of these disorders ? Is it in 
the depravity of public opinion ? No one has dared to assert this. Is it in 
the licentiousness of the press .-' this doubtless has increased the evil, but ii 
cannot be the source of it, as that has always been as much exposed to a- 
buses as it is at present. Where then shall we look for the causes of these 
peculiar excitements .' The friends of the administration attempt to account 
for them, as being the effect of a powerful combination, formed against the 
executive administration forfaetious purposes. If this is correct, then it fol- 
lows that any administration can be overthrown by an unpiincipled combi- 
nation against it, elthough "conducting itself in the true spirit of the con- 
stitution, and doing no act which it should be'unwiiliug the whole world 
should witness." To declare that an administration, so conducting itself, 
can be written down by falsehood and defamation, is to attack tbo founda- 
tions of our political system ; is to declare that the peoi)Ie have not sutti- 
cient intelligence or integrity for self government. But does our civil his- 
tory warrant this sweeping assertion ? Was there not a powerful com- 
bination, against the administration of Mr. Jefferson ? but it was not 
written dowji. He says he deemed it " not uninteresting to the world, that 
the experiment should be fairly and fully made, whether a government 
conducting itself in the true spirit of the constitution, with zeal and purity, 
and doing no act which it would be unwilling the whole world should wit- 
ness, can be written down by falsehood and defamation. The experiment 
has been tried, you have witnessed the scene, our fellow citizens have look- 
ed on cool and collected, they saw the latent source from which the outra- 
ges proceeded, they gathered round their public functionaries, and when the 
constitution called them to the decision, by their suflVage they pronounced 
their verdict honorable to those who had served them, and consolatory to 
the friend of man who believes he may be entrusted with his own affairs." 

Such was the result of one combination to write down an administration 
conducting itself in the true spirit of the constitution. The attempt to write 
down the administration of Mr. Madison, although favored by war and na- 
tional calamities, was equally unsuccessful. To maintain that the people 
can be so deceived as to oppose an administration which is as " pure as an- 
gels,'' and without any legitimate cause or object, is a libel on the intelli- 
gence and good sense of the nation. 

We must look to other reasons for the opposition to the present adminis- 
tration than a combination against it. The people, or a majority of them be- 
lieve that there was something wrong in the presidential election, that it whs 
an outrage on their rights. This opinion is not perhaps with many, the re> 
suit of a minute examination into the facts ; but it is a conclusion drawn 
from the very nature and complexion of the case, and all the publications of 
all the presses " by authority" in the Union, aided by all the patronage and 
influence of the government, cannot remove this opinion. 

This transaction has been so often and so fally investigated, that we do 
not intend to go into an examination of it. We have no doubt of the cor- 
ruption of the parties — the proof is irresistahle. If there was a doubt before, 
the letter of M.". Clay to Mr. Blair, recently disclosed by Atnos Kendall, has 
removed that doubt; and rivittedthe charge of the 'bargain,' by direct and 
^siii,^-* proof, -uqdferffis own ffand. Iniiiis letffer, d^ted the filh pf Jao 



].l 

iS-2o, Mr. Clay \v)i<.e3 as fyllows : '-A friend «f Mr. Adams cQmes to nua wifij 
(ears in his eyes, and eays ; sir, Mr. Adams has always had the greatest re- 
spect for you, and the highest admiration of your talents. There is no station 
to tr/iich yoH are not equal. You tvert undoubiediy the second choice of jyeiv- 
Englarid; and I pray you to consider whether the public good and your 
FUTURE INTEREST, t/o jiol dislinclty point to you the course whichyou ought to 
pursue." This language, however cautious and guarded, cannot be misunder- 
stood ; it will admit of but one interpretation. A friend of Mr. Adams calls 
on Mr. Clay in distress, and tells him, that it is obviously for his future in- 
terest to support the election of Mr. Adams; and to satisfy Mr. Clay of thi.s, 
he states two facts — the first is, that Mr. Adams has the greatest respect for 
31r. Clay, the highest admiration of his talents, and considers h\m fit for any 
station. What is Mr. Clay to understand by this ? Is it not that, if Mr. Ad- 
ams becomes president, he will appoint Mr. Clay to 'any station' he may de- 
sire in the gift of the executive ? It it did not mean this, how was Mr. Clay's 
'future interest' to be promoted by voting for Mr. Adams .'' The other fact 
plated by this friend of Mr. Adams, to convince Mr. Clay, that it would be 
for his " future interest" to vote for Mr. Adams is, that he, Mr. Clay, was 
" undoubtedly the second choice of New-Engleuid." Why was this fact 
suggested to Mr. Clay r it had no connection with the election about to 
take place ; nor even with " how (he cabinet was to be filled.'' The an- 
swer is obvious. It was to induce Mr. Clay to believe, that he then stood 
high in the public estimation, in New-England, and that by uniting with Mr. 
Adan.s and his friends, he might rely on the support of New-England, as the 
successor of Mr. Adams. It is clear, therefore, that the " bargain" was ait>re 
extensive than lias generally been supposed ; the proposition by this triend 
of Mr. Adams, to Mr. Clay, was not only that he should have " any station" 
he might desire, but he was assured of the support of New-England, as the 
successor of Mr. Adams. This was the proposition ; — let U3 see whether it 
wasacceeded to. .Mr. Clay farther says to his fiiend Blair: "My friends en- 
tertain the belief, that their kind wishes towards me, will in the end be more 
likely to be accomplished by so bestowing their votes.' The first extract 
from" this letter, contiiius what Mr. Clay himself says, was the proposition, 
coming from a friend of Mr. Adams, and this extract shews the light in which 
Uiis proposal was received by Mr Clay and h is friends. He says, they 
acceded to the proposal; they thought " their kind wishes towards him 
would be best accomplished by so bestowing their votes :" that is, by vo- 
ting for Mr. Adams Mr. Clay then informs Mr. Blair, that Mr. White, the 
represeiilative in congress from his district, " is inclined to concur with us, 
in these sfiitiments ; ' but requests him to write to him, to " strengthen his 
Iticlinalions. ' Here Mr. Clay admits, that he and some of his friends had 
•' coaciirrcu" in the p'.'f posal, and the object of this letter was to have Mr. 
Blair persuade Mr. White to concur also, so as to obtain a majority of the 
delegation of Kentucky. In this confidential letter, we have a full develope, 
and direct and irrefragable proof of the "bargain," from which Mr. Clay 
can no more escape, than he can escape from his own conscience. 

But, after all that has beer, disclosed, after this letter from Mr. Clay 
expressly unfolding the terms and the consideration of the contract, if there 
are any who still doubt the existence of an actual "bargain" between Mr. 
Adams and Mr. Clay, must not even such admit, that the circumstances of 
the election were calculated to excite distrust of its fairness, and to occa- 
sion strong suspicions in the minds of a people jealous of their rights. And 
was not this known to the gailty parties to this unprincipled contract.' It 
IS clear that it was, for Mr. Kremer's letter was published before the 
election took place, and ihe indignant and impious card, which that letter 
brought out from Mr. Clay, evinced his sense of the light in which his eondiivt 
would be tiewed. The parties, if not actually corrupt, voluntarily and with 
tlieir eyes open, placed themselves in a situ«tion, which they knew would 
expose them to the suspicion of corrupt practices, & that, not for the public 
interest, but for their own benetit. Yet after having done this, and received 
the reward which followed it, they complain that they are exposed to m- 
/Jiciom of a want of integrity. There have been instances, where individ- 
uals entirely innocent, have, by a concurrence of circumstances, been ex- 
posed to a strong suspicion of committing a crime ; one recently occurred in 
in the city of New York; aod where such a case happens wit&out any fault 
oi the person, itpi;esents the strongest cltrims to pttblic sympatty. Butif thfs 



i-2 



iinturiunate man had voluntarily, with a fj|i knowledge of the coiiseii'jence?. 
and with a view lo his own benefi!, exposed himself to the strongest suspi- 
cion of forgery, who would have pitied him ? This, in the most favoraliie 
view o/ his conduct, is precisely the condition of Henry Ciity ; — he volua- 
tarily, for the sake of the reward, exjiosed himself lo the susjiiuion of a coi- 
rupt coalition ; and because these sus[)icions are visited upon iiim, he whiiiea 
and complains bitterly, and in the aiijjuish of his soul " invokes war, pesti- 
lence and famine" oil his country, rather than that these well founded sus- 
picions should drive him into private life. 

When our fathers first opposed the oppressive measures of the British niiu- 
islry, the great Chatham in parliafiient made u;e of the following language, 
"I rejoice that the Americans have resisted ; if they had not, (wo and a 
half million of freemen, reduced to slavery, would be dangerous to the lib- 
erties of England." And ought riot every patriot to rejoice, that the people 
bave resisted the first dangerous coalition to controulihe election of presi- 
dent; that their jealousy has been roused, at a disregard of the public will. 
If they had not, if the people had tamely submilled to such an outrage, we 
should dispair of the republic. 

However much this subject may be controverted, there are two things 
connected with Ibis Election, too apparent lo leave room for even a doubt ; 
the first, that there was an acluil union or coalition between Mr. Adams and 
Mr. Clay and their friends and adherents, and that this controlled tiie event 
of the election—and the second, thai the known iciU of the m!ij;)rity of the 
people,and of the States was violated,as well as the spirit of the Constitution. 
Tffe truth of the latter is evinced not only by the number of Electoral votes 
respectively received by Mr. A. and Gen. J., but more fully by ihe popular 
votes given for the electors. The following brief statement will demon- 
strate this. In the states of Main, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecli- 
cut, New-Hampshire, Virginia, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, North Carolina 
and Maryland, in all of which the Electors were chosen by the people, Mr. 
Adams received 83,767 voles, and General Jackson received 84,884— Mr. 
Crawford 44,976, and Mr. Clay 2,081 In the Slates of Ohio.Kentucky, Ala- 
bama, Indiana, Tennessee, Mississippi, Illinois and Missouri, the votes were 
for Mr Adams 21,555, for General Jackson 68,067, Mr. Clav, 43,867, Mr. 
Crawfoid 2,339. These numbers are taken from returns published ir. the 
newspapers at the lime. They give lo Mr. Adams an agiiregate num- 
ber of popular votes of 105,332, and to General Jackson 152,951, makii g 
Jackson's majority over Mr. Adams 47,629 and over Mr. Ad-uns and Clay 
both, nearly 1000. In addition to these facts, it was notorious, that in the 
states of Kentucky, Ohio, Missouri and Illinois, which voted in Congres.s for 
Mr Adams, General Jackson was the second choice of the people. Mr. Clay 
excepting in Illinois, having been the first. It is clear therefore, that the 
will of the people was flagrantly disregarded in the election ofMr. Adams, 
anditisequally evident that this was effected by a coalition between him 
*r u • ""^^ ^'*^' ^^' *'*^''' ™"t"3l aggrandizement That there was a union 
of their Influence and friends, has not been denied ; this union still contin- 
ues, and to deny its existence, would be as absurd as to deny that the sun 
shines at noon day. It is this union which brought Ihe administration into 
power, and it is this compact which now sustains it. What support would 
Mr. Adams now receive in Kentucky was it not for his co-partnership with 
Mr. Clay. He did not receive a vote there at the last election ; he had no 
parlythere, was the lowest of all Ih6 candidates, and was particularly de- 
nounced by Mr. Clay and his friends, as the ' heir apparent,' the enemy of 
the west and the Federal Candidate. It is clear that Mr. Adams of himself, 
could expect no support whatever in Kentucky, and that the votes which 
Uiat state may give to him, will in reality be bestowed on Henry Clay.— 
J his was equally true of the voles cfthat statein Congress, and Mr. While 
and several others of its delegation had the candor to admit, that in voting 
tor Mr. Adams they considered they were voting for Henry Clay— and in 
Ohio and m several of the other Western States, the friends of Mr. Clay uni- 
ted with the small parly originally in favor of Mr. Adams, constitute the 
administration party. 

Vet in the face of these living facts, the coalition, between the president 
and secretary of stale, is denied. If these facts are not proof of a coalition 
—It a union of their respective friends and influence for their mutual bene- 
« } 1&r4he election of Mr. Adama as president, and to secure to Mr. Clay, 



iiie uriice u: secretary ol state, and ci>iiliiiuf liitn in tiie line ul sale prece' 
dents as cabinet succeiscr — if tlieir I'utiiiiioii tsui'tions, in a coimnoii caiistj 
are nut proof ofa coalilioii, of a uoinpietH [lolitical co-partnerslii)', we know 
not wliat could be. Does .Mr. Adams fill the pnisiJeiitiKi cliair -■ By no 
means; like llie lijroiie of the Caisars, it is tilJed liy two executive cbiefs, 
Adams and Clay. It is a joint rcigo. willi (he rigiit of succession in (he lat- 
ter. For wliat is tlie grtai slru2;»lL', now g)ing on in Kf nliicky .' Is ii for 
Mr. Adams .'' nolliing can be further from tlietrulli; llie (riends of tiie admin- 
istration do not even pretend lliis ; tliey admit ihai tht-'y are sup;'orlin:< Mr. 
Clay. Bui liow can they be supporting .Mr. Clay, unless there is a politico! 
co-partnership betweeji him ana Mr. Adams, which secures to him ut letts', 
an tfjiiil share of the comjiany projicrty. Legally, the secretary hidds his 
olfice during ihc pleasure of tiie presided ; he can be removed at any time ; 
why then should the friends of Clay feel so much inteiest in supporting this 
admiiiisiration, when they adusit they care nothing for .Mr. Adams .' It is 
because they know that Clay is the largest stockholder in the administra- 
tion, by original purchase ; liiat ho has a deeper inteiest in it, thr.n Mr. Ad- 
ams, as he is sure of the office of secretary uf sliile, and nearly cerlain of 
being president, aftrr Mr. A. if the administiation party succeed Does any 
one supjiose, that Mr. Adams d.^re remove Mr. Clay ? It would be an act 
of political suicide ! It would be a dissolution of liie partnershiji, and imme- 
diately overthrow the admiijisiri-tion. To deny the existence if this coaii- 
lion, is to reject the evideuce of the senses; is to deny that .Mr. A. is presi- 
dent, and Mr. Clay secretary of state. As well, and with as much truth 
might It be denied, when two persons had put all their propeity into joint 
sloik in trade, and were carrying on business for their common benefit, 
each giving his whole attention to the joint concern, that there was a part- 
nership between them. The cases are precisely parallel. It is a [)olilioal 
co-parlnership ; each of the contracting parties, has put in his whole capital. 
.Mr. Adams the East, and Mr. Clay the West. If liie administration parly 
succeed, IVlr. Adams will not be elected president ; but it will be an eleciioij 
of the FiBM OF .VDAJis AND CLAY ; in every respect, except merely as (o the 
forms of liie constitution, Mr. Clay will be as much elected as Mr. Adams.— 
Let the friends of Mr. Adams, therefore in this stale, remnniier, that in 
voting for him they also vole for Henry Clay, notouly ashis Auccessor, but 
as iiis associate and partner in the office during the term. 

Such are the terms, on wiiich Mr. Adams consented to become president. 
He knew that he could not oblain it, without llie aid of .VIr. Clay, and that 
he could not retain it, without his assistance ; it is therefore a joint trust. — ■ 
If the people of the West, in sn|iporting the administration, consider that 
they are virtually voting for Mr Clay, let not New-England be unmindful, 
that in aiding '.he re-election of Mi. Adams, they are assisting to place 
tiieir destinies in the hands ofa man who impiously invokes "war, pestileno 
and famine" on his country, as a lesser evil than the loss of his election— 
the man who deliberately plotted the destruction of Mr. Adams, and who 
has caused more slanders to be published against him, and for some of 
which be has paid the expense himself, than all that have emanated from 
the presses in opposition to this adiniuistration. 

What high-minded and honorable man, would have accepted the execu- 
tive trust, on these conditions ? To be indebted for it, to a personal and po- 
litical enemy, a man who, in " open day and secret night" had attempted 
to blast his reputation ! There has been but one other instance of an elec- 
tion by the House of Representatives, and how different was the conduct of 
the successful candidate, on that memorable occasion. Mr. Bayard, who 
held then, as Messrs. Cook and Scolt did now, the vote of a slate in hi3 
hands, having voted thirty six times for Aaron Burr, wrote to Mr. Jeffer- 
son, stating that if he would satisfy him on certain specified points, as to 
what his administration would be, the presidential contest would be ended 
in one hour. These points had nothing to do with the question ; ' how the 
cabinet was to be filled,' but related to principles. The reply was worthy 
of it3«author, and of the occasion. It was, that he would enter ihe presi- 
dential' chair, untrammelled, free from all stipulations or compromises— or 
remain a private citizen. '.Vhen the great Chatham, was opposed in the 
ministry, and out voted on his proposition for a declaration of war against 
Spain, he declared, he would not be responsible for measures he could not 
direct, and immediately resigned. How different is the conduct of Mr. Ad- 



ems. 1-Ie sought a jjost vviiich he could not obtain, and wliicli he cannot, 
preserve without the aid of an enemy and rival, and consents to be respon- 
sible for racHSures which he does not direct. It is notorious, that most at 
the measures of the administration are Mr. Clay's, and that he disposes of 
nil the appointments; and hence it is, that New England is so entirely neg- 
lected, and that the friends of the secretary in the west, have been so am- 
ply rewarded. Ought such a coalition as Ihis to be countenanced .■' Is it not 
directly subversive of the freedom of elections, by opposing the regular ac- 
tion of the public will .'' If this example is suffered to succeed, will it not 
encourage other competitors for the chief magistracy, who like Mr. Clay, 
bad " rather lose their beads than their election," when they find that they 
cannot carry iheir points singly, to unite their interests, seize upon the gov- 
ernment, and divide the spoil between them and (heir adherents ? If this can 
be done by two chiefs, it may by three or more. We are not slating an ima- 
ginary case. T!ie commencement of the triumvirates in Rome, was the eca 
of the subversion of the constitution and the overthrow of the republic. 

What should we expect wouid^ ne the conduct and spirit of such an ad- 
ministration ? Precisely what has been witnessed ; and what as naturally 
flows from the origin and character of it, as any results follow their knowii 
causes. The situation of the two executive chiefs, U similar to that of an 
usurper or a sovereign, who has reached his throne by " indirect and crook- 
ed ways," and is sensible that there is a flaw in his title. His first and main 
exertions, are directed, to secure his ill-gotten power. In times of violence, 
this was done by taking off by poison the legal heir, and his adherents by 
civil war and the scaffold ; but in modern times, acts of settlement, declara- 
tions and sham elections are resorted to, to prop up a defective title. The 
patronage of the government and^he funds of the nation, are used wilhout 
restraint to make partisans and buy up " golden opinions," whilst the inter- 
ests of the nation are neglected, or treated as a subordinate concern. 

This is no bad description of the conduct and spirit of the present ddmin- 
istration. It must he admitted by its friends, that if not in fault, it has been 
extremely unfortunate. What has it done within the scope of its legitimate 
objects.'' By what measure, or what leading policy, is it distinguished .' — 
Where are its merits to be found.' Is it in the internal adniinistralion, or 
the conducting of our foreign relations ? As to the first, there is no meas- 
ure, and no important law, which can be claimed l)y the executive admin- 
islration. The tariff, be it good or bad, cannot be, for it was not recommen- 
ded by the president. Mr. .Adams is said by his eulogists to be a practiced 
statesman, and a great diplomatist ; this may be, but it is undeniable, that 
such egregious neglect and blunders in our foreign negotiations, never oc- 
curred beiore, during any administration. There was no difficulty on thie 
subject; our relations were friendly with all powers, and our commeice, 
uninterrupted, when Mr. Adams took the helm of affairs. There were no 
wars in Europe, no questions as to neutral rights, no collisions with billigcr- 
ents which had embarrassed former administrations. What now is our situ- 
ation .'' we have lost the trade with the British and French West India Islands 
and become involved in serious difficulties with the Emperor of Brazil. 

The loss of the British West India Trade, vvortb live millions annually, 
and principally to the eastern states, was the result of the greatest negli- 
gence and folly imaginable. During several years of negotiation, the Brit- 
ish government had repeatedly prriposed the terms, and the only terms on 
which they would permit us to trade with their West India Colonies. — 
These terms, our government did not accede to. After waiting some time 
tor the renewal of the negotiation, which had been promised on our part, an 
act of Parliament was passed, offering the trade on the same terms, but pro- 
viding that those nations who should not comply with those terms, so as to 
bring themselves within the act, within a specified time, should be denied 
all commercial intercourse with these colonies. In this stage of (he busi- 
ness Gen. Smith, a member of the Senate, from Maryland, a very intelligent 
man in commercial concerns, introduced a bill to meet the provisions of the 
British act of parliament, and secure the West India Trade. 

This bill was opposed by the administration members, who then were 
a majority, on the suggestion of the cabinet, on the ground that the 
president preferred to arrange the matter by negotiation — The bill was lost, 
and the subject neglected ; for some time, we had no Minister in England ; 
at heogth Mr. Rufus King wns appointed, and sent out, wil^Qiit T[tstTncli(>ns. 



and no steps were <aken by oitr government ; Uie lime was suffered to ex- 
[iire, (lie act ot the parliament to go into operation against us, and the co- 
lonial trade to be lost. That it was an objf^ct lo have secured (he trade on 
the terms offered, the administration have admitted, for after it was too 
late, thev sent out Mr. Gallatin with instructions to open the negotiation on 
the precise terms the British had offered, first by negotiation and then by act 
of parliament. In our difficulties with Brazil, tlie government have shown 
about the same alten'ion and wisdom. Our vessels were captured — our 
flag iiisullod, and our seamen imprisoned, under the most flimsey pretences. 
Mr. Raguet our Charge de'Affairs, remonstrated repeatedly, and at length 
their outrages became so great, he withdrew from the government. The 
president, and secrelary of state, instead of acting with the spirit ivhich 
the occasion required, attacked .Mr. Raguet, justified (be Brp.ziiian govern-'. 
nienl, and appointed another agent. The consequence of :;'!•'?-■ ';. .• ?r.'^.i. 
and spiritless conduct, was to encourage a re()etition of oulr.i^e ; ant' ihe. 
administration were compelled at last, to send out a naval force to protect 
oiiF commerce. 

Our diplomatic cabinet, have likewise displayed great tore-sight and wis- 
dom, ill conducting our relations with the Spanish republics in ihe South. — 
Tliey sent out Mr. Sargeant lo a Congress at Panama, Tacubaya, or some- 
wliere else, which he could not find ; and this they insisted on doing, with- 
out the concurrence of congress ; although its object, was political, and not 
commercial, and was wholly at war with the established policy of this 
country, to maintain no other tlian commercial relations witli any for- 
eign power. But as the anibsissador could not find the congress, no en- 
tangling alliances were formed, and no other evil resulted from the mission, 
than an expense of about ^30,000, and Mr Sargeant returned to Philadel- 
phia in season to canvass for member of congress, and was elected. Mr. 
Rochester who was appointed secretary of legation to this unknown mission, 
remained at home about oi!e year after his appointment, receiving pay at 
the rate of §4,500 per annum ; ai\d during this period he was set up by the 
administration, for governor of the state of New-York, but failed. — Since 
then, he has been despatched as charge de'aff lirs to Guatemala, but was as 
unsuccessful as he and Mv. Sargeant were before ; he cocld not find the des- 
tination of his mission, or found it in such a state, that he could not stay. — 
He accordingly returned, having for these important diplomatic services, 
received about ^20,000 of the people's money. This however was not ioslj 
much of it undoubtedly, has been spent in electioneering for the adminfs- 
fration, which was the principal object of these important missions. 

Such has been the successful results of the diplomatic concerns of the ad- 
ministration. 

What is the cause of these disgraceful failures, and the entire neglect of 
the interests of the people at home and abroad .' It is apparent. Messrs. 
Adams and Clay have been taking care of their own concerns. They have 
lieen settling up the claims growing out of the bargain, and attempting to 
secure themselves in their situation. Mr. Clay has been travelling long and 
slow journies for his health, and electioneering for his conscience ; making 
barbecue-dinner speeches, and writing pamphlets. He has had to pay for 
services performed, and to purchase others ; to reward old partisans and 
buy op new ones. He has had to defend himself against a ' responsible 
accuser' — to brand that accuser as a ' military chieftain,' and to visit eve- 
ry town and hamlet in the union, to warn his countrymen against the dan- 
gers of military rule, and the enthusiasm for mere military renown. In ad- 
dition to all this, he has had to attend to his prayers. He has invoked 
" war, pestilence and famine" upon his country In fine, the firm have 
had to carry on an offensive and defensive war. They have had to hire 
partisan troops, lo reward and stimulate their friends, ami to assail their en- 
emies — and all this has been done " with an eye to the strictest economy." 
They have not, it is true, attempted to remove by poison or assassination, 
the man whom they know has the legitimate title to the power they possess. 
They have not attempted to murder General Jackson, but they have at- 
tempted to murder his reputation, which is nearly the same thing. These 
operations Jiave required time, talents and attention. They have required 
two things more — funds and the utmost stretch of executive patronage aotf 
sofltifince. 



16 

Nitwllli'tandins; tliif admninfralion, n? ^"0 liave already observed, is 
marked hy no important niensiire, and Ity no leading poliny as it respects 
the legitimate olijecis n( gnvernmoni, still it will he long distinguished. It 
will he known fts llie elefitioncerinij cabinet, and the first administration 
which has introduced « general system of corruption ; nnd Henry Clay will 
attain to the honor of heing called the Walpole of America, who reduced 
to practice the maxim that " evtry man lias his price." To accomplish 
tiiese j>iirposes, one of the tirst ohjects to which the executive influence 
was directed, was the press. Itwas nalurai that an administration, sensible 
that it did not enj >y tin confiience of the nation, and conscious of the cor< 
ruption of its origin, should dread the influence of a free and indeper:dent 
press. They seemed from the outset, to have been sensible, (hat imiess the 
press could be overawed or corrupted, they could not sustain themselves in 
power. Hence, for this purpose, tiie most unprecedented eft'orts have beeo 
rande by the tittnosi streicii ot executive patronage, which even the laws 
could not rtistraiti. This work has been entrusted to Mr Clay, who, acting 
on the sentiment ' that he had rather lose his head than his election,' and 
that " war, pestilence atul faTiine" would be a blessing, compared to a de- 
feat, began by declaring that he would iiave no neutra's. The printing of 
the laws was taken from the oldest and most respectable papers in the un- 
ion, because they could tiot conscientiously afford an active support to the 
administration, althougli they did not tlien oppose it, and was bestowed 
upon some of the most ah^mdoned and profligate p'^pers in the country. Not 
satisfied with the patrona.o'e «hich the publication ot the laws gives to the 
secretary of state, which authorises him to designate seventy-two papers 
for this purpose, inaeuuity has been tortured, to devise other means to re- 
ward the pafl, and stimulate the future zeal of the presses, devoted to the 
coalition. Tiie patronage at the seat of govern ?nent, always great, has been 
so amplified, as to subsidise the whole editorial corps at the metropolis, 
with one exception. As an illustration o*" the extent of this patronage, and 
li»e expense attending i', vve will mention O'.-ie item only. Tiie publication 
of a notice to the exiles of St. Domingo, of the convention between the 
government of that island and the government of France, was attended 
with an expense of more than four thousand dollars, bestowed upon presses, 
every one of which is the most servile and devoted instrument of the coali- 
tion. 

It is a mistake to suppose that the principal object of the administration, 
in buying up presses, has been to defend its measures, and repel the assaults 
laadf upon it. Ff this had been the main object, their conduct would have 
J)een less flagitious than it is ; but it was far diflfereut. They wished to op- 
ginise an editorial corps of mercenaries to wage offensive war against 
Gen. Jackson and his friends. Like an able commander, Mr. Cla}' has at- 
tempted to ' carry the war into Africa,' and to assail the enemy in his own 
camp. The word lias been given and the attack made, with a malignity, vi- 
olence and recklessness of truth, which has astonished reflecting men of 
both parlies. The vocabulary of billingsgate has been exhausted, to find 
epithets of reproach, adapted to characterize a military chieftain. He has 
been compared to .Vlarius, Sylla, Cromwell and Bonaparte. He has been 
stigmatized as a military tyrant, a contemner of the laws, a violator of the 
libertiesof his fellow citizens — charged with raising the military above the 
civil authority, in time of peace — with cruelty and bloodshed, with wanton 
massacres, with putting prisoners to death in cold blood, with imprisoning 
judges and dispersing the legislature of a state at the point of the bayonet, 
without cause. And to cap the climax of his bloody deeds, he has been 
charged with a crime almost too horrible to name -. — with the wilful and de- 
liberate murt/er of his fellow-citizens. The very fountains of calunjny have 
been broken up, and their pestiferous streams diverted over the land, not lo 
fertilize, but to blight unto death every germ of truth which had sprung up 
in the soil of the public mind. Not contented with so foully slandering 
bi* public services and character, his private virtues, his fire-side, and his 
domestic relations have afforded no sanctuary against a malevolence which 
would rest satisfied with nothing short of bis life. Is there an American 
whose blood does not boil at the bare recital of these atrocious calumnies ? 
This is but a faint picture of the* alarming efl'ectt of eseciitive Influence ia 
corrupting the press. Vl^iS' jt b? said (bat the adjpinistratioB is not rasj^a- 



17 

sible far these shndflrs ? They have been snggRsled and propagated by tte 
very naners which are the organs of the gnveriitijent, which print " bv au- 
thority " ' : r ' ., 

The patrona2;e and funds of the nation I.ave not on!y bean brougFit into 
r<»qiiisition, lo rorrnpt and cnrjtroi the press, but to bny up and reward 
partis tns, and thus corrupt public opinion. For this purpose, executive in- 
fluence has been earned to an extent hitherto unicnown in this country, 
and which is truly alarmin*. Mr. Clay is said to have remarked to Gene- 
ral Floyd, " Give me patronage and I will make myself popular." Wheth- 
er he has expressed this sentiment or not, it is certain he has acted on it. 
To examine parlienlar ca«cs, would greatly exceed our limits ; but we can- 
not forbear referring to one of the most during— that of the unfortunate 
Dinii'l P. Cook. Mr. Cook had given the vote of Illinois against the will 
of liis constitu^>nt^•. and in consequence, lost his election. Broken hearted 
and Wasting in health and spirits, he applied for his reward. He asked for 
the mission to Colombia, but that was p!f»d^ed to a friend of Mr. Clay, 
In this difemma, Mr. Cook is ofiV-red and arsepls a secret agency to the isU 
and of Cuba, although ignorant of the Spanish lrtng!iac;e, atid too much 
iuipHired in his health to discharge any active duties. Taking with him e 
list of instructions from Mr. Clay, which would have required a well and 
Bctive man a year to have fulfilled, he sails from New York the last of 
April, and arrives home the last of May, or first of June, having slopped at 
C;iha on his voyage. Foi this service, Mr. Cook had advanced to him fif- 
teen hundred dollars, and Mr. Clay says his account is not yet settled. If 
any thin? could add to the extraordinary nature of this transaction, ii 
would he llip manner of its disclosure. The committee on retrenchment 
wrote to Mr. Clav, elating that they were informed that there had been a 
secret agency to Cuba, and requesting information on the subject. He re- 
plied, thai he would neither f'e/jf/ nor adrnrf their statement ; but added, that 
if the committee would consent, *o receive a confidenlinl communication, 
he was authorised by the presid.^i t to say that one shoiild be furnished. In 
what light does this exhibit the president and secretarj', shrinking with 
conscious guilt from the scrutiny of the representatives of the people, and 
attempting to cover their conduct, under a cnvfidential communicntion ? 
Tliere can be no stronger evidence of the extraordinary and nnwarrnnte- 
ble nature of this transaction, than is furnished by the administration tFiebi- 
selves. The w^hole proceeding was kept a profound secret, and po' record 
made of the mission, or of the disbursements attending it, according to (he 
t'sual course of business. We need not enquire, what serrices this secret 
agent performed I — what benefit he rendered his country ; but we Rsk 
whether the conduct of the government in throwing the mantle of secresy 
and darkness over the transaction, and in attempting to stifle it in the breast's 
'of the committee by a conjidenlinl communication, is not conclusive evi- 
dence that they kneuD it would not besrthe light ? That they wprs censible 
it was only a mode of rewarding Mr Cook for his presidential "ote, and 
tijai upon its very face it bore the stamp of corruption ? 

The cases of John H. Pleasants. John A. King, William B. Eochcsfer, 
Thomas L. McKenney, George Watkins, and numerous others, are of i sim- 
ilar character. Some idea of the extent and alarming natnre of thi? rooni- 
ed influence nf(he government, may be formed from the fact, (hat in the 
department of state alone, nearly one hundred thousand dollars are yearly 
expended at the discretion of the secretary of state, and that secretary, 
Henry Clay, whose maxim is " give me patronage and T will make myself 
popular." What use would a man make of such a fund, who acts on tb* 
principle ' that he bad rather lose his head than his election ?' 

Tiie sum of five thousand two hundred and fifty-eight dollars p'}\d John 
A. King, for his services as charge d' affairs, for sixty-two days, is not only 
enormous in amount, but directly in viol.ition of law The act of Congress 
of 1810 fixes the salary of charge d'nffairs, at four thousand five hundred 
dollars, and an outfit not exceeding thiit amoant. on his ^oingfrom, the Uni- 
ted Stales. But the same act provider, that to entitle the person to that 
compensation, he roast be appointed by tha ysresident, with the concent of 
the senate. But Mr. King was not appointed by the president, charge d 'af 
fairs ; he was only named by his father. There were two ohjectfons to his 
receiving this money, the first that he did not '■gofrornlthe United Slate.*.l(hnt 
was »n EhgUud, ac pccreta/y of jegatjoo whcvn appoinlBd,) which the \4vt 

- • • .5 



18 

demands, to entitle bim to tbe oulGt of four tfaousand fiva hundred dollars 
that was paid him ; and secondly, he was not appointed bg the president, 
which the act requires, to have entitled him to either an outfit or compensa- 
tion as charge des affairs. On both of these grounds the payment was ob- 
viously illegal : the case is too clear to admit even of a doubt. 

Mr. M'Kenney, whilst receiving 1700 dollars per annum, as a clerk in the 
Indian sub-department, in 1827, was sent on a tonr to tbe Indians at Green 
Bay, and from thence, went to St. Louis, and returned through Mississippi, 
Alabama and Georgia, to Washington. He charged eight dollars per day, 
and eight dollars for every twenty miles., for his espences, including a jour- 
ney from Green Bay, by the direct route back to Washington, which he did 
not make. This, in imitation of Mr. Adams, was a constructive journey. — 
During this time, he was receiving his salary as clerk 

The effect of these monied electioneering operations, is evinced in the 
national expenditures. According to a statement of the Hon. J. S. Barbonr, 
a distitguished member of Congress, the expenditures of .the three last 
years of Mr. Monroe's administration and the three first of Mr. Adams' 
were as follows : — 

Mr. Monroe's administration - - - ;g24,a22,459 

Mr. Adams' administration, ... . 33,507,767 



Difference, ^8,685,308 

Thus it appears, that the expenses of the government have increased un- 
der this economical administration, more than eight and a half million of 
dollars. The expenses of messengers for bearing despatches, are, for the 
three last years of Mr Monroe's administration, ^6,827; tor the three first 
of Mr. Adams', ^18,886, being an increase of more than twelve thousand 
dollars, or, of nearly three to one. 

We need not inquire what are the constitutional principles of an admin- 
istration which came into power by a flagrant violation of the spirit and 
substance of our national charter. The constitution in their hands is but a 
rope of wax ; to-day it is stretched, to-morrow relaxed ; at one time, they 
are, or pretend to be, the advocates of a strict construction, then of impli- 
ed powers, and the most latitudenarian principles; the constitution is warp- 
ed to suit their selfish and ambitious purposes, and if not rescued from their 
hands, little more than its form will remain. 

Here we might stop, having gone through with the argument so far as is 
material, to form a verdict on the great question now pending, whether this 
administration is deserving of public confidence. And let it not be forgotten, 
that this is the true ground of the present controversy. The advocates of 
Messrs. Adams and Clay, however, have, with much dexterity, attempted 
to divert the attention of the public, from the real questiou, to a false issue, 
respecting the relative qualifications of Mr. Adams and General Jackson. — 
Supposing it was admitted, that Gen. Jackson's qualifications were not sui- 
table for president, would that prove that this administration was deserving 
of support .'' Or, suppose the country was to be visited with so great a ca- 
lamity as his death, would that restore Messrs. Adams and Clay to the pub- 
lic confidence ? They wish to have the contest considered as between them 
and Gen. Jackson ; but the public do not so regard it ; it is a controversy 
between them and the people, whose rights they have violated, whose con- 
fidence they have abused, and whose interests they have betrayed. Gen. 
Jackson is not a party to the contest, he is only an'instrument ia the bands 
of the people. 

We do not fear, however, to meet them on their own ground, and to have 
the decision turn on the question, which of the two candidates is the safest 
depository of power in a free state ? The partisans of Mr. Adams represei.;t 
him as possessed of transcendant talents, profound learning, and great ex- 
perience ; as a deep and wise politician, and the first statesman of the age, 
•f "iotj the first America has ever produced: They also talk of his long and 
distinguished public services, and the patriotic devotion of a whole life to 
the interests ot his country. But what facts do they offer in support of these 
extravagant pretensions ! We have long and anxiously looked for them, 
but have never been able to discover any. The reputation of Mr. Adams 
is one of those mysterious things, which sometijnes occur ; no one oai tell 
from whence it sprung, or of what it consists. We know of no way of ac- 
conntrng fof it, unless it is, by reference to the practice of those "ySuvoessfiii 



19 

;:r.'.° ' lur acq^uiriiig popularity' and power, which " no vulgar democrat can 
attain." That Mr. Adams has learning, we admit ; that he has talents of a 
cerlain description, we are not disposed to deny ; that he has had experi- 
ence, W8 do not controvert ; but that he is a wise man, or a profound states- 
man — that he j>ossesses a sound judfjment, or even an eminent portion of 
common sense ; tliat be is a good judge of human nature, has a just estimate 
of mankind, or is well acquainted with the practical and common concerns 
and interests of his countrymen, we have yet to learn. But, when we are 
reminded of his patriotism, his disinterested and important public services, 
his political integrity, and his republican principles, we must express our 
total dissent. JNcver, perhaps, was there a greater popular delusion, than 
!iiat respecting the character and services of John Quincy Adams. A maa 
may be learned, and possess superior talents of a certain kind ; and not be 
a great statesman, nor a wise man, and much less an honest man. There 
are numerous examples of this. Air. Addison has left the brightest name ia 
Knglish literature ; yet he could not discharge the duties of under secretary 
of state, and was obliged to resign, for incapacity. 

Mo one deserves the reputation of a profound statesman, unless he has 
performed great actions or developed wise plans of government, deep and 
just viesvs of national policy, or important measures for securing the rights 
and promoting the interests of his country. What plans, what measures, 
or even what laws, having an important influence on the institutions, the 
liberties, or the interests of this country, has Mr. Adams originated? — we 
know of none ; his friends can refer to none ; we have looked into his ad- 
ministration, and do not find them there. What great actions has he per- 
formed P when was he distinguished in debate P what important measure 
owes its success to his support .-' He has no claims to the reputation of a 
great statesman. Where are we to look for his wisdom as a man, or evea 
superior common sense ? Is it in his letter on etiquette, his "fustian" ora- 
tion, or his Ebony and Topaz toast ? These and other instances that might 
be named, show a want of good sense. 

We will now brietly examine the public services and political character 
of Mr. Adams, as these are most essential to the objects of our inquiries.-He 
was brought ap at the feet of Gamaliel, and educated in part at the public 
expense : it was natural, perhaps creditable to him, that he should adopt the 
principles of his father. This however, he and his friends deny ; they would 
it seems, have it believed, that he was stcretly opposed to his father's ad- 
ministration. What truth there is in this pretension, we shall soon see ; and 
whether, if true, it would do more credit to his principles than dishonourto 
his heart, we leave for his friends to determine. 

(The first developement of the principles of John Q. Adams will determine 
whether, as his friends now say, ' he was educated in the school of Jefferson, 
the patriarch and founder of the republican party.' The first effort of his 
pen was a series of numbers in reply to a popular political work, called the 
" Rights of Man." In these numbers, signed Publicola, he advances 
opinions utterly at war with the principles of popular government, and 
our free institutions. He defends the game laws of England, as just and 
necessary, which even many of the nobility in that country do not de- 
fend ; and he maintains, that the ;)eo/3/e of England have no right whatever, 
to alter, amend, or improve their constitution for their own benefit. "The 
people of England'' he says, "have delegated their whole power to the King, 
Lords, and Commons, even the power of altering the constitution itself;" 
and insists, that "all power ought to be delegated for their benefit." In these 
essays he treats Mr. Jefferson with great disrespect ; and alludes to turn as 
the " Islam of democracy." 

Such were the sentiments which this young democratic champion, as be 
now claims lo have been, was publishing in the newspapers of the day, and 
so agreeable were they to the views and the vanity of his father, that he said 
" the democrats had more fear of his son's pen, than of all Washington's 
administration." This star of the east rose rapidly in the political horizon ; 
at the age of about twenty seven, he was translated from a young attorney 
without business, into a foreign minister. This is the commencement of 
his important public services. He was resident minister in the Netherlands 
three years, and did nothing. From thence he was rerooved to the court 
of Berlin, where he renewed the treaty between that power and the United 
State*, first negotiated by Franklia and Jefferson j but at his particular na- 



2(J 

quest, the impoiiaMl article which disavowpd liie hnvlulness ot fnivateei- 
ing in lime of wsr, was left out, wiiich frustrated the humane purposes uf 
Franklin and .(eft'erson. litis couatiluies the whole of bis services durini^ 
this Oiission, except writing his " Letters on Silesia," which tiie London 
Quarterly Review, a ministerial publication, says, evince "feelings towards 
bis native country, which more reaemble the loyal ariqnie.-cence of a sub- 
ject, than the personal interest and ardour of a republicrto." On his return 
from Europe, in 1802, he was immediately taken up by the federalists as ■? 
candidate for congress in opposition to Doctor Eiislis, but he did not suc- 
ceed. The next year he was elected a member of the senate of Massachu- 
setts, which was the first, and only otfice ht^ ever received froai the hands 
otihe people. Both branches ot the legislature were at this lime federal; 
ana so high did Mr. Adams stand in their estimation, that the same year he 
was elected into the Senate of the United Sta'es with Timothy Pickering. — 
Here he voted with the federal minority, on every party qneslion, many of 
which were of deep interest, particularly those reiiardirigilie Louisiana treaty, 
the amendment ot the constitution, until April jSUG, about the period it was 
supposed the republicans bad gained the ascendancy in Mass^ciiusetts, when 
for the first time, he voted with the republican majority. It being ascertained, 
however, that the federalists hall succeeded in the election, Mr. Adams' at- 
tachments to his old principles and friends returned, and continued wiilj 
increased ardour another year, until the complete Iriuniph of the republi- 
cans in Massachusetts, coaviaced hiia that the leatiiug federalists were 
traitors to their country. 

The next session of congress, no parly question arose. Mr. Adams hav- 
ing returned, in March 1807, presided at a federal caucus, which nominated 
Caleb Strong, for governor. From his return from Europe in 18t 2, to 
March 1807, he had not only acted wilii the federal parly at home and in 
congress, but was regarded as the leader of the parly in Massachusetts, ami 
had received the highest office in their gift. At this time, he wrote a poeti- 
cal effusion in the Monthly Anthology, ridiculintj Mr. .Jetlersjii and Joel 
Barlow, with chaste and beautiful allusions to "Carter's Mountain "and 
" Dusky bally !" In the face of these public and nolorious fncis, Mr. Adams 
has repeatedly asserted that he was always a republican, friendly to Mr. 
Jefferson, and possessed of his confidence He says, " I never gave a vole 
in boslility to the administration of Mr. Jefferson ; in disregard of republican 
principles, or in aversion to republican patriots." Did the federalists of 
Massachusetts, when they voted for Mr. Adams tor congress, in opposition 
to that republican and revolutionary patriot, Ihe late Gov. Euslis, and when 
they voted for him for slate senator, suppose, that he would support republi- 
can principles, and republican patriots.'' Or did the federal legislature of 
that stale, when they appointed him to a seat in the senate of Ihe United 
States, suppose he would " never give a vote in hostility to Mr. Jefferson's 
adicinistralion '.' 

The election in Massachusetts in April, 1807, resulted in the complete 
triumph of tne republican party. This event appears to have had a marvel- 
oas and aiost wonderful operation on the 'illustrious house of Braintree,' 
both father and son. It was soon after this, that J. Q Adams is said to have 
made the declaration to Mr. Towflsend, 'that the only way to overthrow de- 
mocracy, was to join the party, and to hurry it on to such excesses as would 
open the ayes of Ihe people, and lead to a better form of government.' Ihe 
effects of (ha republican triumph in Massachusetts upon the house of Brain- 
tree, were gradually developed. The session of congress commenced in 
Dei!. 1807, and on the ]8lh of that month, Mr. Jefferson recommended the 
embargo. Mr. Adams, the federal senator, from Ihe then republican stale 
of MassacliQsetts, becomes its most zealous advocate. He opposed a posl- 
pODecziaiit, and even a delay for one day, and supported its immediate adop- 
tion by the following language. " The president has recommended the 
measure on his high responsibility ; I w^ould not consider, I woold not de- 
llbcrale, I would act. Dou'olless the president possesses such further in- 
forir.ation as will justify the measure." 

Such was the newly awakened zeal of Mr. Adams, that it hurried him in- 
to the support of so important and novel a measure, materially affecting the 
inlsrestsof bis own stale, without deliberation, and upon the supposition 
that the president had sufficient information to justify it. Many republicans, 



Iiowe.ver, wished Co lielilieiate, and some ojiiiDseJ il.. (U' v\ jkmjj was 
(ieoige Ciinloii Hiid Win. H- Crawfui-d. Ttiis Wtis a iiiosl sudden anij| uiac- 
vetluus conversion lo the doctrints «( the " Islam wt DeinociHcy." Afte' 
this open adhesion, Mr. Adams ilisuiosed to Mr. J^lieisi n and Mr. Giles, tlie 
reasons uf his conduct, which were, that lie had discovered (he leading ted- 
eralists were desperate factionisis, and enterlainetl treasonaljie phins, extenO- 
ing to H dissolution of the Union. He claimed to he actuhttd entirely by 
patriotic motives, and desired no office. 

At the next election, in tiie spring of 18i;8, the federalists again succeeded 
in Mrtssachiisetis, and Mr. Lloyd was elected senntor in the place of Mr. 
Adams. After failing to get re-elected, lie resigned his seat in the senate 
for the remainder of iiis term, which was only a part of a year. This is the 
immense sacritice he made hy uniting hicnself with the republicans, for 
which he has heeii rewarded oy the most honorable and lucrative appoint 
tnenis in the gift of the executive, and, linslly, with the presidency ; and his 
friends now very modestly demacd, that, to satisfy ins desires, he ought to 
be made president another term. 

In llie course of the year, tlie republicans were desirous of seltii'^ 
lip Mr. Adams for their gubernatoiial candidate, on which sulject, the views 
ot boih father and son are disclosed in a letter of the former, to Mr Cun- 
ningham He slates several reasons ill opposition to it, butltie last and 
principal one is, that it would produce an " eternal separation helweeti 
./ohn Q. Adams and the federalists, particularly that class constituting the 
absolute oligarchy " Although he had joined the deruocrats, he did not 
with to be separated from that oligarchy. He was deeply disaiipointed, 
that he did not obtain the office of secretary of state under Mi . Madison ; 
hut he succeeded in getting a mission to Russia, and " Aristides was ban- 
ished because he was too just." 

Previous to tins, John Adams, had commenced a series of letters in t'ue 
Boston Patriot, in which he attempted to prove, 'hat he was opposed to his 
own administration, and to make Hamilton and Pickering the scape-goats 
of all its sins; ilie design of which evidently was, to co-operate with bis 
son ill conciliating the favour of the repuitlicans, to advance the interest oi 
the new convert to democracy. In a letter to Mr. Cii/mingham, he ex- 
plains his object in these publications ; he says, " J am determined to throw 
olV the intolerable load of obloijuy which has heen casi upon me, or perish 
in the atteinjit." Mr Adams' public life, from this period is familiar with 
fveryoive. From Russia he was translated to Ghent, and from thence to 
England, and to the department of state. The public have seen, the estima- 
tion in which Mr. Clay held the part he acted in the negotiations at Ghent. 
He charged iiim with being ignorant of ihe interests of the west, or of dis- 
regarding them ; with advocating a narrow and seltish policy ; an attrocious 
project, of attempting to bartur away the wives and the children of tlie west, 
for a mess of codfish. Whilst secretary of state, his two most important 
acts were the negotiation of the Florida ireaty, nnd his delence of General 
Jackson. The latter, he and his friends seem now to disavow : he probably 
has changed his opinion on that subject, as he has often found it convenient 
to do on others. In the Florida negotiation, he was overreai'.hed by Don Onis, 
and lost the right of soil in extensive grants of land, comprising a considera- 
ble portion of the territory. Mr. I'lay treated this as a disgraceful "traffic 
of territory ;" he said much better terms miiiht have been obtained, aud at- 
tempted in congress to procure a vote of censure on the negotiation. Mr. 
A. himself, in his letter to our minister in Spain, admits that the terms of the 
treaty were " far within the instructions of Don Onis." 

We have now gone throngh with a brief notice of the public life 
of Mr. John Q. Adams. For these important services, he has received 
nearly FOUR HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS For two years 
services during the war, he received, according to an ofScial docu- 
ment, wiiich went through his hands, while secretary of state, 62,644 dol- 
lars. At this very time he was writing from Ghent, to Leavitt Harris at St. 
Petersburgh, and charging iiis government with being " weak and penuri- 
oud." Justice teqiiires us to add, however, that this docoment is fall of er- 
rors, and it is possible that Ihe double salary which it allows Mr. Adams as 
minister to Russia and at Ghent, (or the period of one year and ten months, 
may be inuorrect. If so, then ne received lor two years 42,345 dollars.. — 
His ctic^rgtfs tvere ^onnous beyond all former example, and many of (hem 



22 

directly and obvi.msly ooiiliaiy to law. For his expenses tbiee months at 
Ghent, he charged 3,062 dollars. Mr. Munroe sent him 9O0O dollars, as an 
outtil on his mission from St. Petersburgh to GlienI; but congress afterwards 
allowed only 4,500 for his outfit Mr. Monroe informed bim of this, and re- 
quested him to credit the government the 4,5uO. This he refused to do, 
and wrole back an indign .nt and insolent lettei, staling, that for congress 
to reclaim that money of bim, (receivt;d contrary to law) would be as great 
an outrage as to confiscate \\\% private properly. He charged and received 
nearly 1600 dollars for the expenses Of a journey from Ghent back lo St. 
Petersburgh. which he never performed; but, on the contrary, went from 
Ghent lo England, on a mission, for which he received 18,0U0 dollars for 
outtil and one years' salary. 

Such have beeu the important and dis'mleresled public services of Mr. Ad- 
ams for which he now claims to be president another term, that he may re- 
ceive another 100,000 dollars. Here permit us to ask, what benefit he has 
conferred on his country, or what services he has rendered, which any 
man of respectable talents, with the same experience, could not have per- 
formed .' We need not ask what sacrifices he has made, v\ hat responsibil- 
ities he has assumed, or what patriotism he has displayed ! Where shall we 
look for these public viitues .^ Are they to be found in his filching enor- 
mous sums fr<>m his government, at a period of war and pecuniary embar- 
rassment, and then branding that government as '/JCMun'ous .'' or in conlem- 
plaling, as he did in his letter to Harris, without any anxiety or concerUj 
that his " feeble and penurious country" would be subdued by its gigantic 
enemy .' 

A review of the public life of Mr. Adams, marking its various politiciil 
phases, instead of the patriot, the enlightened statesman, the consistent 
and honest politician, exhibits only the disgusting picture of the time-ser- 
ver, the apostate, and the political hypocrite, who has been true to no par- 
ty, faithful to no cause ; who has adhered lo no principle, maintained no 
lixed character; who has been deaf to the calls of patriotism, and insensi- 
ble to the wrongs of his country ; who has joined all parties, and betrayed 
all he has joined ; who has sacrificed his friends, bargained with his ene- 
mies, and in his struggles for power and self-aggrandizement, has trampled 
under foot the constitution of his country ; who, during his long career, has 
been consistent and faithful only in one thing, the advauctment of his own 
interest. 

Let us contrast litis character with that of the Farmer of Tennessee, the 
Cincinnatus of America. Never was there two men who in all the poijits of 
their characters were more directly opposed. One, born a prince, brought 
up in foreign courts, in his early youlh was warmed into public life in the 
sunshine of favoritism : the other, of humble origin, without friends, or the 
means i>r advantages of early education, struggling with innumerable ditS- 
culties, educated himself, acquired a profession, and under all these dis- 
couragements, by his industry, his exertions, and the energies of a powerful 
mind, raised himself into notice, established a professional reputation, ac- 
quired the confidence of his fellow citizens, of hi3 own stale, of the govern- 
ment, and of the nation. 

An attempt is mado by the partisans of the administration, to persuade 
the public, that General Jackson has had no experience in civil ad'airs, and 
has noacquiremtthts or capacity for them. He is branded as a mere " mil- 
itary chieftain," and is even charged with being so illiterate that he cannot 
write his name. Do the authors of these slanders mean to insult the Amer- 
ican people, by treating them like credulous children .' What can be more 
preposterous ! Nothing, certainly, unless it is the crimes charged upon him 
by the same pensioned slanderers. Can a man, who, for a lon^ course of 
years, has been honored with the most important offices, both civil and 
knilit&rjr, in his own state, and under the national government, and who has 
discharged their various^and respcnsi<jle duties with satisfaction to the pub- 
lic, and credit to himself, be entirely illiterate .' I he pretension is too ri- 
diculous to deserve a refutation. It might with as much truth and reason 
be asserted, that he was an idiot, aud that evdry thing which is altribated 
to bim, bad been performed by others. 

Can it be denied that Andrew Jackson has held numerous important offi- 
ces'.'' ..This isnot attempted. But i: is denied that be discharged the duties 
of his civil offices with ability,;or satisfactorily. There is ("he strongest pos- 



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«^le evidence Ibat lliis is not so. If lie iiad'nof satisfied his conslifuents, 
would thpy have re-elerted him ? would they have elevated him from one 
trosi to another, more honorable and responsible ? If the government was 
dissatisfied, would he have been continued, for a length of time, during dif- 
ferent administrations, in its employment, in various difficult and responsi- 
ble stations ? 

We repel the charge, that General Jiickson has had no civil experience 
and displayed no capacity for civil affairs. His experience in civil trusts 
has been more diversified, and much more useful and important in qualify- 
in*' a man for the ruler of a free people, than that of Mr. Adams. He has 
held the office of District Attorney to the United States, received from the 
hand of Washington ; he was a member of the convention which formed 
the constitution of Tennessee: a memf)erof the state legislature ; a judge 
of the supreme court of the State ; a member of congress ; twice a mem- 
member of the senate of the United States ; commissioner to negotiate sev- 
eral Indian treaties ; and governor of Florida. These numerous and im- 
portant trusts, comprise a vastly wider range of experience, than has fallen 
to the lot of Mr. Adams. The offices of the latter have been nearly «!l of 
n diplomatic character; one year in the senate of Massachusetts, and four 
or five in the senate of the United States, is all his experience in legislation ; 
he hai had none in the judiciary, and little or no professional employment. 
In all these civil trusts, the experience of Gen. Jackson greatly exceeds that 
of Mr. Adams. 

But it is said Jackson has not distinguished himself in any of his civil offi- 
ces. If this was so, it is equally true of his rival, as we have already shown. 
But we deny its truth. He has not, it is admitted, been distinguished by 
long speeches ; neither has George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, or 
George Clinton ! But, like them, he has been distinguished for sound- 
ness of judgment, integrity of character, for his uniform republican prin- 
ciples, and the unshaken firmness of his purposes. As well might it be said, 
that Washington and Jefl^"erson were not qualified for the civil duties of the 
chief magistracy, because they were not distinguished as speakers, as to as- 
sert this of Andrew Jackson. Indeed, this was once said of both of 
Ihem. 

We need not examine the military services of general Jackson ; tbey re- 
ceived at the time, the thanks of the national representation, as well as the 
applause and gratitude of the whole country ; they have commanded the 
attention of nations, and will be the theme of admiration of posterity. 
Their importance, even the baseness and malignity of a pensioned and prof- 
ligate press, has not dared to assail. These services, not only place him in 
the first rank of military commanders, but exalt him equally high, as a pal- 
riot. He made immense sacrifices, and assumed responsibilities, which 
none but a patriot would liave assumed ; he pledged his whole |)roperfy, 
he hazarded his life, and what was dearer than life, his reputation, for the 
salvation of New Orleans, and the whole valley of the Mississippi. All 
were staked on the issue of the contest ; if it had failed, such were the 
bold, responsible measures he had adopted, his own ruin would have been 
as inevitable, as the capture of the city he was defending. This was a 6h- 
play of that Roman spirit of which Mr. Jefftrson speaks, that " forgets self 
in the public interest." 

It is conceded that his military talents are of the highest order ; whilst it 
is denied tliat he has any capacity for civil rule, or any intelligence or Jeai u- 
jug whatever. But does not even a 'military chieftain' require science? Is 
not war an extensive and diversified science .' and can its operations be 
conducted successfully, without a knowledge of it ? Furthermore, does it 
not require, to form an able and successful leader of armies, a combinatiou 
of rare and distinguished talents, which are seldom found united in the same 
individual ? This is fully established by history. So rare are such charac- 
ters, that there has hardly been one in an age. Ho'.v many Marlboroughs 
has England furnished .' There never was a " military chieftain" who had 
nut /aZcn<s sufficieat for civil rule. Such men may want patriotism, they 
may want integrity ; but they never wanted capacity for civil government. 
But, in the military career of Jackson, his stern Boman integrity is equally 
conspicuous with his talents. We will notice one iqslance of his patriotism, 
no! connected with his military life, V/hen Mr, Munroe was president. 






-4 . \X^' 



stui Mr. Ad(im«. secretary of ?fn1f», General Jarksnn wa« ofF'ro'l Utf ?.p- 
pointinenf of ministpr to Mexico. His r^ply should be jriven in his own 
words ; he snys — " From the rpvolutionRry movements in Mexico, (lie ap- 
jK-arsnre of an Americnn envoy, with credentials to the tyrani Itiirhide, 
inifrht add to his strength, and thereby aid in rivitin»» the chaina of dejpo- 
fi«in upon hi.s coiintrv, which of right ought to he free. T.> l>e the Instrn- 
meni of Ivrannv, however innocent, on my pari, J conid not re(;oncile lo 
mv feelings. With these views, and other reas'ins, which If have commu- 
nicated to Mr. Monroe, I have declined accepting the mi-sion lo Mexico." 
Is thi« the language or the conduct of a " military chieftain,'' of an arhitra- 
rv tyrant, or is it a siihlime instance of pafrioiis ■, the spot\tane(ins olTspring 
of that Roman spirit which " fjrgt't^ self, in tiie love of country " 

The b»se slanders which have been circulated in the " kefinfl presses'' 
of the administration, relative lo the execution of fiie "six militia men," 
and other military evr;ts, charging Oen. .Tackson, with the hiifhest crimes, 
are, if possible, more wicked and absurd, than the charges of his want of 
cnpacity and learning, suftic.ient to write his name. These transactions tork 
place foiirteen years ago ; they were, from the very nature nf iliem, open 
and public, before the face of the whole army, and the eyes of tlie whole 
country. The most flagrant of these charges were not known nor heard of 
at the lime the events are said to have happened ; and those that were known, 
were publicly examined and approved by the president, by congress, and 
by Mr. Adams himself, as secretary of stale The people also, when a!! the 
fdds were fresh in their minds, expressed tiieir verdict of {approval. They 
were entirely put at rest ; and Gen. Jackson was retained at tlie jiead of the 
army, ofl'ered a foreign mission, nnd finally retired from all his public em- 
ployments, with the approba'ion of the government, end Ihe gr.itilude and 
benedictions of his fellow citizens But afler the lapse of twelve or tour- 
teen ye»rs, he being the candidate of llie people, and standing in the way 
of Mr. Adams, a flagitious attempt is made by fabrication, by forgeries, by 
mutilating public documents, by ransacking the very graves of Ihe dead, lo 
fix the stigma of n Ij;rnn1 and murderer on the man " whose whole career" 
in the language of Mr. Adams himself " has been signalized by the purest 
intentions and the most exalted piirjioses ; and vviios(» spfvices lo hiscoun- 
Ipy entitle liim to its highest REVVAKDS" This spirit is of a character with 
that which dragged the bnnes of Bradshaw from his grave ; which brought 
Sidney lo the block ; which, in its slnigglcs i'^r power, imprecates curses on 
its counIiy,8nd which would " annihilate heaven and earth, rather than fail 
in can-yin'g its point." These slanders are similar both in atrticity and nbsur^ 
dity, to those once circulated for a similar purpose, against Ihe illustrious 
Jefferson. Who now is willing lo admit, that he was one of Ihe credulous, 
tvho believed those improljable tales, those infamous calumnies of a now 
vefierated patriot .' and who, fen, or even two yearshence will he willing to 
,admit that he was one of the deluded, who believed these equally wicked, 
eqwally absurd and improbable fictions designed for the unhallowed purjiose 
'of blastiugthe well earned reputation of a palriol, scarcely less distinguished, 
scarcely less venerated by a large majority of his grateful countrymen. 

Fei.i.ow Citizens! We have now presented to you, our views of the 
present controversy, in many of its bearings ; the importance of Ihe sub- 
ject, we hope will be an apology for (he length to which they Iiave been ex- 
tended. It is a contest for principle, to vindicate the violated riglits of the 
people, to rescue the constitution from the rude grasp of those who regard 
only its /orni, (o discoiinlenance political intrigue ond bargaining, to sweep 
away the leeches from Ihe national treasury, and lo restore to its regular ac- 
tion Ihe public will. The spirit of the nation is roused, it can no longer be 
stifled by executive influence; lis march is like an army with banners ; in 
the south, in the west, in the middle states, and even in New England, llic 
public feeling is becoming strong and deep. In Connecticut, thougb (he 
seed time was late, th'e harvest will be sure ; thousands, who a few months 
since, were strong for the administration, now begin to doubt ; thousands 
who doubted, now are confirmed in the cause of the people's candidate, 
who seems destined a second tims to be »n instrument in the hands of a 
wise proviJence, for preserving the rights and liberties of his country. 

INGOLDSBYIV. CRAWFORD, Presideift 



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